The most common defense of corporal
punishment in the schools is that it is
used rarely, discreetly, and only as a
last resort, after all other means of
correction have been tried. This is a
dearly held delusion.
Definitive data cannot be produced to prove or
disprove such claims since no national survey has
been attempted. The few statistics which do exist
are suspect, since confessions of minimizing
numbers to appease local prejudgments are fairly
common.
The United States Office of Education and a
number of other federal agencies have been
approached since 1975 with the suggestion that a
nationwide assessment be made of the amount and
kind of corporal punishment in use, but the idea
has never been implemented. What might be learned
from a complete study is suggested by a look at
three mini-surveys done in Dallas, Texas; Miami,
Florida; and in the state of California. The high number of reported
incidents in those surveys provides a shocking
glimpse of what may well be going on in many
other places.
Lacking better data, we have turned to other
sources in our effort to document that corporal
punishment is used often and harshly. Since
November 1972, End Violence Against the Next
Generation, Inc. has published The Last ? Resort,
a newsletter which collects and disseminates
information about corporal punishment. Readers
have responded with descriptions of incidents
known to them, with copies of local newspaper
articles, editorials, and letters to the editor,
as well as with reports of bills introduced into
state legislatures, local school board debates
and decisions. A subscription to a newspaper
clipping service, begun in November 1976, has
produced an avalanche of articles from all over
the country.
Corporal punishment in American
schools is a national disgrace. It is not rare.
It is not used only as a last resort - and as bad
discipline, it drives out good.
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Winnowing through this mass of material, we have
retrieved enough tales of scabrous behavior on
the part of presumed educators to convince all
but those most determinedly blind because they
refuse to see. Corporal punishment in American
schools is a national disgrace. It is not rare.
It is not used only as a last resort - and as bad
discipline, it drives out good.
Coaches Are Toughest
Many of the cases that "go public" are
accusations of cruelty by athletic coaches.
Raymundo Castro was required to do pushups over
an open knife by Coach Bill Vanhorbieke, claimed
the Asociacion Educativa de Padres Mexicanos
(Fresno Bee, 1974). A follow-up story recounted
the outrage of Fresno, California coaches at a
presentation on ABC television which dealt with
high school football injuries. In the
documentary, a Florida high school coach was
shown slapping and tossing his players around
physically. The anger of the Fresno coaches
against ABC was for using an "extreme example"
and for making all coaches look like "oafs,
dummies and unconcerned with the welfare of the
players." The Fresno Bee chided them for not
recognizing an "extreme example" and oafishness
in their own back yard. It then added to the
story the fact that Raymundo had been told that
the knife would be used every day until he did
the pushups right. But it was the reporter, not
the coach, who discovered that the nine-year-old
had suffered an accident some years before and
one of his arms could not be fully extended.
In Sarasota, Florida, a coach at an elementary school was
incensed because five boys caused him to waste
fifteen minutes of class time. He required them
to stay after school. If this had been taken as
time to have a confidential talk about
cooperation, the uses of team time, or some such
pertinent topic, there could have been little
objection. Instead, Coach McGary used a gym
class rope to tie the nine-year-olds together by
attaching it to their belts. He "strung them up
like clothes on a line," said the state
attorney's office. McGary then allegedly
fastened the rope to his motorcycle, started the
engine and dragged the boys through the parking
lot. He later treated them for cuts, scrapes and
bruises. Their clothes were torn. The coach was
charged with a misdemeanor (San Francisco
Examiner, 1976).
Coaches sometimes think they are a law unto
themselves.
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In Brunswick, Georgia, a new school board ruling
requires that if any physical punishments are to
be administered, it must be by the principal or
assistant principal and there must be a witness.
Coaches sometimes think they are a law unto
themselves; Coach Ben Young felt free to paddle
without attention to protocol a fifteen-year-old
who had forgotten his gym shorts. His reasoning?
The boy had asked for it. Therefore it was not
punishment. It was just a reminder. When the
father brought pictures of the bruises, the
coach said, "If there were any marks on him they
were the result of scabies. He was always
scratching himself." Was the coach suspended for
breaking the rules? No, the boy was. (Brunswick
News,1976).
With coaches, corporal punishment seems more in
the nature of an initiation or coming-of-age
rite than a serious effort to inculcate
learning. In Washington State the penalty for
the last man in a cross-country squad was a
"hacking" (Seattle Post, 1973). In Corry,
Pennsylvania, for kicking the ball high enough
to hit the ceiling during the game of kickball,
a paddling was in order (Times-Observer), 1976.
When a father complained, he was assured that
this was not considered punishment; indeed it
was nothing more than a harmless diversion. The
coach described it as a "ritual purely for
laughs," even though it resulted in raised welts
and bruises. No one asked the recipients if
they thought it was funny.
Some coaches have heard the word and are
changing. From Renton, Washington: "The old
discipline method of coaches giving an obnoxious
kid a whopping with the tennis shoe is gone . .
. The philosophy behind the [new] procedure . .
. is to have a student take responsibility for
his or her own behavior" (Record, 1977). And
from Alexandria, Louisiana, "It has been
traditional to whip junior high school football
players at Buckeye High for making poor grades,
but the practice has been discontinued . . ."
(Daily Town, 1977).
The custom of cruelty
as a deterrent begins before kindergarten.
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The tales of coaches misinterpreting their
mandate to develop character by "hardening"
their charges is giving way far too slowly. But
they are not the only ones who misuse their
authority over children. The custom of cruelty
as a deterrent begins before kindergarten. Tony
Johnson was two years old and it was his first
day at nursery school. He cried when Mother
left, not uncommon behavior for two-year-olds.
That evening as his mother prepared him for bed
she discovered that his back was covered with
twenty-five to thirty welts, red and
swollen. The teacher, Mrs. Webb, was miffed at
having to explain to a judge, "I have never
received a complaint before and I've been in the
business for fifteen years!" She had switched him
"a time or two" for crying (Nashville Tennessean,
1976).
HOW MUCH IS CORPORAL PUNISHMENT USED?
There are very few published reports of corporal
punishment statistics. Three areas of the United
States are represented in the following
accounts:
California: In 1974, a report mandated by a
resolution of the Legislature of the State of
California included responses from 92% of the
school districts (but did not include the City
of Los Angeles). Reported were 46,022 cases of
corporal punishment in the 1972-73 school year,
with only five percent of these in the high
schools (Riles,1974).
Dallas, Texas: The school system in the city of
Dallas recorded 24,305 paddlings for a school
population of approximately 330,000 during the
1971-72 school year. This represents an average
of over 2000 incidents per month. The number of
unreported incidents may have been many times
that number, according to student stories
(Duncan,1973).
Miami, Florida: Miami area newspapers gave
extensive coverage to the 2,892 school paddling
incidents reported for the first 45 days of the
1975-76 school year.
Blacks Paddled Most: The statistics collected by the Dade County
Public Schools for a U.S. Office of Civil Rights
survey indicated that Black students, especially
Black females, were being physically punished in
highly disproportionate numbers compared with
White students. Although only 28% of the county's student
population is Black, 67% of the students
receiving corporal punishment were Black. (Miami
Herald, 1976)
The figures showed that in schools in the
administrative area which includes most of
Miami's inner city and enrolls the system's
highest concentration of Black students, corporal
punishment was used twice as often as in the
other 5 areas. In the district as a whole, about
60% of the male students paddled were Black, as
were 80% of the female students. (Miami
News, 1976)
During those 45 days, for example, Northwestern
Senior High School recorded 193 paddlings, or four
to five every school day. At Westview Junior High
the self-reported score was 307; that means that
if there is a seven-period day, not a class
period went by without someone taking a beating.
On the other hand, 99 schools (out of 242)
reported no instances. Either they managed to
conduct school without fear, force and pain, or
they were ashamed of their occasional lapses and
chose not to confess them.
Considerable publicity went to a Mr. "K," who
proudly displayed a fan of paddles from the
closet where he kept the old ones after they had
been fully inscribed with the signatures of the
victims. He claimed he paddled with "love,"
although psychologists have labelled the paddling
of the anal-erotic area as symbolic sodomy. His
words? "Like a mother stroking her little child."
"Eat Them or Bend Over"
The most widely reported corporal punishment story was the
cigarette eating case. Told with a variety of humorous headlines
was the incident involving Principal Hightower of the Hume High
School in Hume, Missouri, whose standard response to boys caught
with cigarettes in their pockets was: "Eat them or bend over." In
all the years of his little joke, no boy had ever chosen to do
anything but to accept the swats. But Bill Adkins and Terry
Weatherman were made of sterner stuff. They took the dare and ate
eighteen cigarettes between them. Both became ill. Terry developed
a kidney problem, and Bill had to be hospitalized for an aggravated
ulcer condition. His mother, Katherine Adkins, demanded that
Principal Hightower be fired. The school board predictably backed
the principal, who announced that the penalty would continue
unchanged.
Mrs. Adkins was subjected to harassment from the community. Night
riders buzzed her home in the woods and attempted to nudge her car
off the road. The Adkins family had no well or other source of
water except truck delivery. The water supplier, a member of the
Hume Board of Education, refused to haul her weekly supply and
persuaded his competitor not to serve her. She refused to send Bill
to school and had been warned that he could be sent to a State
Training School as punishment for truancy. The American Civil
Liberties Union agreed to take the case, to ask for an injunction
to prevent further impositions of the penalty of ingesting poisons
and to secure damages for the beleaguered families (Nevada Herald,
1976). The issue became moot when Principal Hightower announced his
resignation to return to farming and both families moved from the
town.
From the Memphis Scimitar, (1976) comes the tale of two
kindergarten teachers who had a tacking iron used to laminate name
tags. It seemed a handy weapon and thus they began to use it as a
"lesson on telling stories." Several children had their hands
burned before the principal called a halt and fired the teachers.
At the hearing the attorney for the dismissed teachers
cross-examined the children, all five-year-olds, and tried to make much
of their shy reluctance to speak up. He even accused the principal
of having coached them and implied the dismissal had been racially
motivated.
From the Oskaloosa Herald (1976) we read of a second grade Iowa boy whose face was slammed down onto his desk so hard as to
permanently disable him. His father is suing. Children have been
locked in the school vault, made to lie in a coffin-shaped box and
been shut away from light and air in a variety of "time-out boxes"
(Associated Press,1975).
Retarded children, in spite of
inadequate language and understanding, are subject to the same
paddling and slamming about as other children.
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Retarded children are not immune. Those who live at home and
attend school are not as hideously tortured as are some institutionalized handicapped. One such child was given a pants-down
spanking on the driveway as he entered the school for the first
time (Sunday Bulletin, 1977). Retarded children, in spite of
inadequate language and understanding, are subject to the same
paddling and slamming about as other children. In Martinez, California, some special needs children are even subjected to electric shock with cattle prods for grinding their teeth, and may
have a squirt of hot pepper sauce shot into their mouths for
disobedience (Los Angeles Times, 1977).
Leslie Ellefson and his father are suing a high school principal
in La Crosse, Wisconsin for having thrown Leslie against a wall and
puncturing his ear drum (Leader, 1976). The Tempe News (1976)
reports another suit in Phoenix, Arizona which charges that a
teacher recklessly grabbed Aquila Scott around the neck causing her
injuries and a $600 medical bill. High school girls in Tecumseh,
Oklahoma are paddled for the first offense of missing a class. When
asked what position he required these young women to assume to
accept blows on the buttocks, Principal Mihura found the question
very funny and said, "I've considered several positions and rather
lean toward stringing students up by their ankles, but since simply
having them stand on their heads has such merit, we are still
somewhat flexible on that matter" (News Star,1976).
Scatological Humor
The tales are endless, each one more bizarre than the one before.
Yet what percent of the total instances of corporal punishment they
represent is anybody's guess. We think of them as a tip of the
iceberg phenomenon, but tip of the volcano might be a better
simile. The rolling fury beneath this turbulent outpouring is
reflected in our juvenile delinquency statistics, in the violence
and vandalism that is wracking our schools, and in the enormous
dissatisfaction with schools that is evident on every hand.
Some of the newspaper stories are distributed by wire services and
are used by subscribing newspapers which choose to run them. Others
are purely local items, such as reports on the deliberations of the
school board tackling this "touchy" issue. Some incidents appear
and reappear in succeeding editions, often with embellishments and
sequels. The most popular stories are those that permit the punning
propensities of the headline writer to move into high gear. I have
also made the observation that when the circulation is small,
joking takes precedence over seriousness. In other words, rural
America still treats spanking as scatological humor. That is one
reason why I doubt the findings of those who see school paddling as
primarily a racist phenomenon. Rural America is predominantly
Caucasian, and unless "poor white" is also labeled as a minority, I
think we shall find that in general it is the children of poor and
undereducated families who are more often physically punished,
rather than the children of racial minorities per se.
Letters to the editor on this subject split about fifty-fifty.
Those in favor of physical punishment are generally less
grammatical and more angry. Those opposed (with exceptions) tend to
be longer, more thoughtfully organized and better expressed.
Editorials are less evenly divided, most (perhaps seventy-five
percent) are calmly hopeful that physical punishment can be avoided
yet discipline maintained. The twenty-five percent that favor more
and stiffer punishment quote Proverbs, often incorrectly, evoke the
good old days, or expand on the destructive nature of youth in a
permissive society. Editorials in the newspapers of the larger
cities, such as the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Los
Angeles Times, and Washington Post, are strongly and eruditely in
favor of total abolition. The Sacramento Bee headlined "Thousands
of Better Ways" in answer to the tiresome question, "What's the
alternative?"
Often the offenses of the children which lead to corporal
punishment are so minor as to not even be considered status
offenses: forgotten gym clothing, tardiness, unfinished homework,
taking both cherry pie and a cookie on the lunch tray. But it
seems to take outrageous actions by educators to break the
tenacious American belief that schools are the royal road to
success and that the teacher is always right. That being the case,
we are forced to conclude that corporal punishment is an ubiquitous
evil, even though middle and upperclass children may be
comparatively immune.
What Do Parents Want?
The story of Mr. Charlie and Popsicle Pete is unusual only in that
the principal who told it was openly amused at his solution to the
problem of punishment suited to the three classes of students in
his school. Many American educators have the grace to be ashamed of
their differential punitiveness. Not so the wielder of Mr. Charlie.
"This," he said, swinging a twenty-four inch plywood paddle with
his initials drilled in holes through the center, "is Mr. Charlie.
If any of the big bullies from the other side of the tracks gets
out of line, he gets it. They know it. In fact, they ask for it.
I've tried giving them a choice of swats or detention, and they
choose swats every time. It's over with in a hurry and they go out
knowing they've paid for their fun and they feel better."
"Now this," he went on holding up a studded ping-pong paddle, "is
for the middle class boys. They're not so tough but they overstep
bounds every so often. It stings enough to remind them to think
twice next time."
Then he laughed. "This," he dug about in his desk drawer among the
pencils and paper clips, "is Popsicle Pete." He brought out a
tongue depressor. "I used to have a real popsicle stick but now I
use this; they're about the same size. This is to slap the wrist of
the Lakeside boys." He sneered. "If I ask them 'swats or stays'
they choose detention every time and then Mama drives down to get
them. Of course, they're pretty popular with the teachers and
almost never get sent down."
He was surprised at my astonishment. "You mean you openly treat
boys differently depending on where they live?"
"Sure," he said defensively. "I try to go along with what the
parents want. That's good public relations."
Whatever the merit in catering to neighborhood customs, it is true
that there is greater reliance on spanking among poor families than
among the wealthier and better educated. (Gil, 1970; Welsh, 1976)
This may account for some of the classism inherent in inflicting
more corporal punishment on these same low income children when
they misbehave in school. But there are also complex racial and
cultural components to be considered.
The racial and cultural concomitants of corporal punishment have
two antithetical aspects: (1) The victimization of minority
children, and (2) the folk beliefs held by many ethnic groups about
the indispensable role of corporal punishment as part of their
cultural heritage.
It is widely held that minority children suffer more at the hands
of school disciplinarians than do white children, and it has been
documented that they are disproportionately subject to suspensions
and expulsions. (Children's Defense Fund, 1975) An analysis of
portions of the data collected in 1976 by HEW's Office of Civil
Rights indicates that similar patterns hold true for corporal
punishment, especially of Black students. Are minority children,
therefore, feeling the effects of personal and institutional
racism, or merely receiving the type of discipline their parents
prefer?
A Matter of Class, Race, or History?
Are Afro-Americans harder on their children at home? Is it true
that severe physical punishment is so much more customary among
Black parents that their children "don't understand anything else?"
There may be some justification for such statements. When asked
what they would do if a five or six year old child did not obey
instantly, twenty percent of White parents replied that they would
"spank until he couldn't sit down" or "hit him with a belt," but
sixty-seven percent of the Blacks said they would be that rough,
sometimes or usually. Among Whites in the study, poverty and poor
education made a considerable difference, the poor and less
educated being more prone to use violence than those who had had
some college or who had a middle class income. Among Blacks,
however, this education and income differential did not hold.
(Blumenthal, 1975)
This attitude apparently carries over to the schools. "If you can't
hit them, you've got to put them out. But that way they are denied
an education. This plan to forbid spanking in school is a racist
plot . . .!" said a southern Black educator in a moment of
frustration. One can sympathize with his determination that Black
students must not be denied an opportunity to remain in school and
learn, but at the same time deplore his unfortunate belief that he
has only a choice of two evils.
At the Mott Jr. High in the Bronx, N.Y. two coaches with temporary
appointments were named deans of discipline and stalked the halls
with leather straps and a thick wooden paddle known as the
"smoker," hurting and humiliating the students, sometimes offering
them a choice of licks or suspension. If they braved the licks, the
two suspended them anyway. The coaches thoroughly enjoyed their
jobs and special prerogatives, grinning and laughing as they swung
the "smoker" and stepped on fingers. All the participants in this
tragedy were Black: the students, the deans, the principal who
appointed them, and the citizens commission members who
investigated. Also involved were the NAACP and the Metropolitan
Applied Research Center, whose Kenneth B. Clark noted that "some
Black parents sought to justify the use of corporal punishment even
as they were denying it was used." (Metropolitan Applied Research
Center, 1974)
In Black Rage, Greer and Cobbs trace the origin of child beating in
the Black community: "Beating in child rearing actually has its
psychological roots in slavery." "The child is admonished to obey
the teacher as he would his parents and the teacher is urged to
exercise parental prerogatives including beating. In this the
parent yields up his final unique responsibility, the protection of
his child against another's aggression." "As the parents urge [the
teacher] not to spare the rod, that same parent is telling volumes
about the life that child had led up to this moment. The parent
tells of a child both beloved and beaten, of a child taught to look
for pain from even those who cherish him most, of a child who has
come to feel that beatings are right and proper for him, and of a
child whose view of the world, however gently it persuades him to
act toward others, decrees for him that he is to be driven by the
infliction of pain." "Pity that child."
Beating in child rearing is thus seen as a corollary of the life of
the slave, the peon, the dispossessed. This explanation is
particularly relevant in a situation like Guadalupe, California,
where the State Senate Select Committee on Children and Youth
(Dymally, 1973) and the California State Advisory Committee to the
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights conducted an investigation.
The town was found to be a feudal enclave where the five percent
Anglo farm owners ran roughshod over the ninety-five percent
Mexican-American agricultural workers by threatening them with loss
of jobs and deportation hearings when they protested the treatment
their children were receiving in school. There were numerous
examples of abuse. One child told that he had been held head down
in the toilet bowl while the teacher flushed it. Another teacher
was accused of grabbing the children around the neck with the hook
he used as a prothesis for a missing hand. (California State
Advisory Committee, 1973) California Rural Legal Assistance pursued
the case, which was settled when the school board agreed to get rid
of the three most punitive teachers, hire a new superintendent and
add bilingual counseling. (Ortega v. Guadalupe, 1973)
In that town, "the debate over corporal punishment was but a minor
expression of a profound conflict in the community between the
Anglo establishment and the Chicano farm workers who, although a
majority in number, are a minority in power and economic status.
The Anglos control the farms, the major stores, and, of course, the
schools. Opposition to corporal punishment implied support for
Cesar Chavez, and, at a more fundamental level, much of the support
for corporal punishment rested on racist attitudes toward Chicano
children." (Feshback, 1973)
"Cultural Heritage"
On the other hand, however, are the sentiments expressed by a
Chicano educator, who is the principal of a school attended
primarily by Mexican-Americans, and is a member of the Human
Relations Committee of his state teachers' association. He was
aghast at the thought of abolishing the spanking of children when
the matter came up for consideration at a convention.
We spank our kids. It's
part of our cultural heritage.
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"Among our people, that's the way we do it. We spank our kids. It's
part of our cultural heritage. You can't change that!" He was
genuinely naively, upset. Everyone in the room turned to look at
him. "I don't knock them black and blue or anything like that. But
our kids, if they need it, they get it. That's the way their
parents want it. They tell me, 'If my kid don't behave, you spank
him.' " He repeated, shaking his head in disbellef that anyone
should challenge what to him seemed inevitable, "It's our culture.
That's the way we do it."
His sincere conviction that the way he handled children was a
special ethnic trait of his group sounded strangely like the
nursery school supervisor who was asked why she permitted aides to
hit children. "Among these people," she whispered, "that's the way
they do it. They strap their children. It's a part of their
cultural heritage." She cocked her head knowingly. "I don't spank
them. I wouldn't dream of it. But if you interfere with Black
culture, you're a racist."
We don't take no guff from kids.
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The same sentiments in almost the same words came from the
fiercely-set jaw of a doggedly independent Okie whose blue eyes and faded
hair are standard in the beautiful Blue Mountains. Here casual
cruelty to children is a matter for hilarious laughter. The
paddling principal grinned. "Don't tell me how they do things in
Los Angeles," he said, believing apparently that it was different
there, which it was not. "Up here we don't take no guff from kids.
We aren't paid to take any lipping off. If a kid gets smart, he
gets clobbered. That's the way we do it. It's our culture, you
might say. You can't change that."
Poor Brown, poor Black, poor White, all the dispossessed, the
staunch traditionalists, the authoritarians in awe of power and
having none, squelch their children with blows. They are proud of
it. Each is ignorant of other ways, convinced that their group
knows the "right" way, and fearful that others conspire to weaken
the fibre of the "character" they have beaten into their young, as
they themselves were beaten. [Emphasis added]
In the end, it just might be an attack on racism that will put an
end to swats in school. There is a special distaste about
permitting one's child to be upended by a male of another race. The
complacent acceptance that the school knows best may wither as
parents become more involved in challenging the abuse of power that
is prevalent in many school systems today.
To quote President Jimmy Carter, schools as well as nations need to
be reminded that "a quiet strength need not be proven in combat."
REFERENCES
Associated Press dispatch (Atlanta, Georgia), November, 1975.
Blumenthal, M. et al., More About Justifying Violence.
(Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Institute for Social Research,
1975), pp. 170-173.
Brunswick News (Georgia), December 1976.
California State Advisory Committee to The United States Commission
on Civil Rights. The Schools of Guadalupe: A Legacy of
Educational Oppression. April, 1973 (ERIC document ED 087584).
Children's Defense Fund of the Washington Reserch Project Inc.,
School Suspensions, Are They Helping Children? (Cambridge, MA:
1975).
Daily Town Talk (Alexandria, Louisiana), January 1977.
Duncan, C., "They beat children, don't they?", Journal of Clinical
Child Psychology, 1973, 2(3), p.13.
Dymally, M. (Chairman), Testimony of children at hearing held by
Senate Select Committee on Children and Youth, Guadalupe, California,
August, 1973.
Feshback, S., Unpublished report of the Committee on Children's
Rights, Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, a Division
of the American Psychological Assn., 1973.
Fresno Bee (California), September 1974.
Gil, D., Violence Against Children, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
Univ. Press, 1970), p.144.
Greer, W.H. and Cobbs, P.M., Black Rage (New York: Basic
Books, 1968), pp. 137-138.
Leader-Telegram (Eau Claire, Wisconsin), 20 November 1976.
Los Angeles Times, 31 January 1977.
Memphis Scimitar, 13 May 1976.
Metropolitan Applied Research Center, Inc., Corporal Punishment
and School Suspensions: A Case Study. Report of the Citizen's
Commission to Investigate Corporal Punishment in Junior High School 22,
(New York: 1974).
Miami Herald, 8 December 1976.
Miami News, 7 December 1976.
Nashville Tennessean, 15 October 1976.
Nevada Herald (Missouri), 19 December 1976.
News-Star (Shawnee, Oklahoma), 2 November & 7 December 1976.
Ortega v Guadalupe Union School District, No. SM 12821 (Cal
Super. Ct., Santa Barbara County, filed June 4, 1973) Clearinghouse No.
14,457.
Oskaloosa Herald (Iowa), 23 October 1976.
Record-Chronicle (Renton, Washington), January 1977.
Riles, W., Administration of corporal punishment in the California
public schools (A report to the California Legislature as requested
by ACR 69). Sacramento: California State Department of Education, 1974.
San Francisco Examiner and Chronicle, 14 March 1976.
Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 19 November 1973.
Sunday Bulletin (Philadelphia), 20 March 1977.
Tempe News (Arizona), 31 December 1976.
Times-Observer (Warren, Pennsylvania), December 1976.
Welsh, R.S., "Severe Parental Punishment and Delinquency: A
Developmental Theory," Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, Vol.
5, No. 1, (Spring 1976), pp. 17-21.
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